➊ Herbert Blumers Race Prejudice As A Sense Of Group Position

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Herbert Blumers Race Prejudice As A Sense Of Group Position

One of the four prejudice is the scapegoat theory which Herbert Blumers Race Prejudice As A Sense Of Group Position when a horrible Herbert Blumers Race Prejudice As A Sense Of Group Position occurs Unbinding Revolutionary Women then blame someone unfairly for the unfortunate event. On the other hand, studies have also shown that those in majority-groups who have had more contact with minority-group individuals have shown tendencies of lower feelings of threat. Moreover, during the summer, Blumer worked as a roustabout to pay for his college manhunt simon armitage poem. He Herbert Blumers Race Prejudice As A Sense Of Group Position that describing Cruise To Bermuda Research Paper in abstract terms related to bodies, machines, and other speculative systems is inappropriate Blumerpp. The Pacific Sociological Review 1 1 : 3—7. This address was meant to question how well variable analysis is suited to the study of Herbert Blumers Race Prejudice As A Sense Of Group Position group Field Practicum Experience in its Herbert Blumers Race Prejudice As A Sense Of Group Position dimensions.

Article Review: Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position

For example, merely measuring racial attitudes in terms of the prevailing class structure results in a picture devoid of praxis. Blacks, Hispanics, and other minority groups often become objectified by linking their experiences, attitudes, and beliefs to the dominant class or eco- nomic structure. The relevance of their unique experiences in defining and modifying their worldview is obscured. No attention is paid to real self-definition-proxy variables are used instead of dialogue. Again, this concrete manifestation is transformed into a readily manipulable composite of measurements.

In all these studies, variables are chosen and correla- tions are tested for statistical significance by analyzing data collected via computer- assisted telephone surveys e. Ironically, Blumer , p. Most important is that, according to Blumer, variable analysis relies on a static frame- work of group relations, and this approach undermines the cognitive processes that under- pin the dynamism associated with group life.

Simply stated, variable analysis does not take into account the idea that patterns of behavior may change at any time as a result of individuals who reinterpret their situations. In this regard, Blumer writes: zyxwvuts The crucial limit to the succesful application of variable analysis to human group life is set by the process of interpretation or definition that goes on in human groups. This process, which I believe to be the core of human action, gives a character to human group life that seems to be at variance with the logical premises of variable analysis. Blumer , p. What he means is that the type of variables typically used in quantitative research are rarely, if ever, grounded in social exchange.

In sum, Blumer , p. Once again, the reason for this is that Blumer , p. Accordingly, social research must elevate this cognitive element in importance. This view is also reflected in his group position theory, for prejudice is an outcome of how groups compare themselves to other groups through a process of racial identification. Researchers who study race prejudice must therefore take this interpretive process into zyxwvutsrqp account: To fail to see that racial prejudice is a matter a of the racial identification made of one self and of others, and b of the way in which the identified groups are conceived in relations to each other, is to miss what is logically and actually basic.

Blumer , P. In this regard, he writes: One should keep clearly in mind that people necessarily come to identify themselves as belonging to a racial group; such identification is not spontaneous or inevitable but a result of experience. Further, one must realize that the lund of picture which it may form of others are similarly products of experience. Hence, such pictures are variable, just as the lines of experience which produce them are variable. Moreover, because these experiences are variable, race prejudice cannot be studied accurately by merely measuring the correlations of particular indicators, for expe- rience implies an ongoing process.

Ultimately, these indices are supposed to explain how societal conditions and structural processes are interconnected with the interpretive domain that Blumer sees as crucial in the study of social life. Overlooked, however, is that throughout the process of operationalizing these constructs, they are virtually severed from social life and become synonymous with the epistemological demands of quantitative science. In other words, the concepts and explanations that are invoked in these studies are not built from the ground up. The cognitive categories that are employed by individuals to organize their everyday lives are overlooked; concepts and constructs are imported that are based on prior findings, generally accepted theories, and the ad hoc creation of subscales to conceptualize how people are expected to interact.

Explanations are thus purely specu- lative and never tested against what people actually do and say. Variables are thus dis- played without any experientially based rationale for their linkages Blumer , p. To repeat what Alfred Schutz , p. Clearly, this strategy is not deductive, but it is not inductive either. Pure empirical particulars are not collected and arranged until a social whole is produced. What Schutz and Blumer advocate, instead, is sensitivity to socially constituted meanings that are then organized with respect to social relevancies. In this way, the experiential ground of knowl- edge is not obscured.

Insensitivity to experience is clearly revealed in the conclusions of these recent studies that indicate that perceptions of group threat are present more often in some groups than in others. What these statistical relationships mean in everyday life remains unknown. Remember, as Blumer suggests, statistical and social significance i. In other words, variables are both circumscribed and joined by definitions that statistical analyses presuppose but do not investigate Blumer , p. Here again, Blumer reminds researchers of the irregularities ubiquitous to human interaction and of the inadequacies of research methods that attempt to sterilize discourse.

The idea of contextual sensitivity, moreover, implies something beyond becoming aware of a geographic location e. Context is often treated by recent research as little more than a geographical construct rather than an intersubjectively medi- ated locus. They conclude that: perceptions of competition and threat from other racial groups can be reliably mea- sured. Such perceptions. Substantial percentages. African Americans, closely followed by Latinos, are most likely to see other groups as competitive threats, and non-Hispanic Whites tend to be the least likely to hold such views. Bobo and Hutchings , p. Relationships are thus made to appear mechan- ical, stable, and beyond serious challenge.

Race relations are thus not investigated, but instead a specific image of society is affirmed. As previously discussed, Blumer seeks to understand behaviors by understanding the humanly constituted meanings that underpin these actions. Blumer insists, moreover, that these cate- gories are neither static nor reducible to exact indices. Of course, reconstructing these studies is beyond the scope of this discussion. Nonetheless, this much can be said: guiding research by the prin- ciple of sympathetic introspection, at a minimum, requires that instruments be designed to communicate with individuals, variables be socially confirmed, analyses reflect the social logic in place, and findings be subject to critique by those who are studied.

Although Blumer does not talk explicitly in these terms, his two-pronged methodology of explora- tion and inspection is designed to achieve these aims. Questions must be raised, accord- ingly, about the relevant sources of data, the interpretive meaning of events, the social logic that provides coherency, and the potential conflicts among interpretations. Recent research avoids these issues. These dimensions are, in turn, mea- sured by indices that are designed to assess social distance, negative stereotypes, individ- ual and structural poverty, and other factors. According to Blumer , p. This facile manipulation of variables may be methodologically cogent, but such disre- gard for the existential side of social life will have detrimental effects.

In short, precise but irrelevant information will likely be generated. The overwhelming bulk of what passes. Blumer , pp. This style of research is suspect because relevance is believed to be predicated on the collection of a lot of data in a random manner. Relevance, stated simply, is a statistical by-product. For Blumer, on the other hand, relevance and thus accuracy are an outgrowth of cultural immersion and sensitivity. Pretending to know in advance how behaviors or attitudes are constructed and distributed throughout a commu- nity, according to Blumer, is a key source of error. Blumer critiques traditional sampling practices as follows: Current sampling procedure[s] force a treatment of society as if society were only an aggregation of disparate individuals.

Public opinion, in turn, is regarded as being a quantitative distribution of individual opinions. Blumer voices this objection because the logic underpinning sample surveys presupposes that a population is composed of standard, interchangeable units. Per- ceptions of group position can, therefore, never be reduced to a few strategically selected zyxwvu individuals, and prejudicial attitudes cannot be studied properly by simply checking the statistical significance among variables, operationalized concepts, and standard survey responses. The rationale for this conclusion is that often these practices create a self- contained, coherent research system, which is organized according to methodological proto- col rather than social existence.

As a result, levels of significance and error are calculated against technical standards, instead of socially inscribed criteria of relevance. Research is thus connected to social life in a haphazard manner. We recommend a two-pronged approach. The first pertains to epistemology and the second to politics. We advocate, in short, community-based research. This strategy is not entirely Blumerian, but it is certainly consistent with the spirit of his work. One important aspect of community-based research is epistemological sensitivity. This type of research is guided by the idea that entrCe must be gained to the assumptions that individuals use to organize their lives.

This insight draws on theories such as symbolic interactionism, phenomenology, and ethnomethodology. There should be little doubt that Blumer agrees with this strategy. What is unique about community-based research, how- ever, is that those who are studied participate actively in every aspect of the research endeavor Blumer , p. The community is not simply the context of research but informs every step of the study Gilroy b, pp.

The processes of conceptual- ization and data collection, for example, are transformed into a joint undertaking. This component of our agenda, however, is not addressed directly by Blumer. Community members must be in a position to insure that research is not used against zy zyx them. They must serve as a sounding board to interpret findings, evaluate policy options, and implement programs. In this way, inappropriate interpretations and uses of data can be curtailed. Obviously, research on race has always been controversial. But in the scramble to zyxwvu gather and apply data, communities have often been ignored. Recent theory and practice in race relations demand that this shortcoming be averted Gilroy a, pp.

A focus on statistical significance per- vades most of these studies. This is because all human life involves an ongoing process of definition and accommodation that suggests positional arrangements are often multidimensional and contradictory. Any sense of group position is, therefore, changeable. Thus, research in race relations can never afford to be par- simonious; positional perceptions are never predicated on an a priori raciausocial order. In short. Much of cur- rent research is either atheoretical or cosmetically theoretical. That is, the presence of theory is under- stood as necessary, but its impact on the research is either negligible or problematic. Unfortunately, this sort of dissonance between theory and methodology is pervasive in contemporary sociological research.

For this reason, Blumer often cautions sociologists to be aware that theory is not simply an explanatory device but also advances epistemologi- cal assumptions that often contradict the methods they use regularly to undertake research. Yet epistemology is at the heart of research; therefore, disparate views of facts, truth, meaning, and so forth should be recognized and not conflated by technical or other meth- odological demands. Even an awareness of the epistemological assumptions of positivism might prove to be enlightening, particularly in terms of their portrayal of experience.

According to Blumer, ignoring the experiential irregularities that propel this process of definition for the sake of methodological elegance results in research that is not socially grounded. A zy real appreciation of theory would help avoid this problem. Levinson, and Nevitt R. The Authoritarian Personality. New York: Harper and Row. Allport, Gordon W. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Banfield, Edward. The Unheavenly City. Boston: Little, Brown. Baugh, Kenneth, Jr. Blumer, Herbert. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. McKinney and Edgar T. Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Blumer, Herbert, and Troy Duster. Bobo, Lawrence, and Vincent L.

Bobo, Lawrence, and Ryan A. Danz- inger, G. Sandefur, and D. Bobo, Lawrence, and Mia Tuan. Bobo, Lawrence, and Camille L. The group threat theory was not only found prevalent in the United States, but also included in a much wider intercultural scale. There was found to be a relation between the identity which people identified with, in terms of the majority- or minority-group, and the effects of the group threat theory they felt. On the other hand, studies have also shown that those in majority-groups who have had more contact with minority-group individuals have shown tendencies of lower feelings of threat.

Approachability [ clarification needed ] was found more common in a study on the contact hypothesis on Black Anti-Semitism with individuals who have had at least one contact with those of the minority demographic. In an extended study, the effects of the group threat theory due to stereotype threats were measured by performance in the work place. It was found that the prevalence of stereotype threat imposed by majority groups led to lower performance scores in jobs, in studies specifically on African-American workers [13].

Performance scores the difference between scores of the majority racio-ethnic groups and the minority racio-ethnic groups tended to be lower without the presence of the stereotype threats imposed by the majority [13]. There were observations on the possible effects of the group threat theory on the minority-group, rather than just noticing the presence of differences caused by group threat. Group threat theory Contact hypothesis Racial threat List of sociologists. Conflict theory Structural functionalism Symbolic interactionism Critical theory Positivism Social change Social constructionism Social movement theory.

The Atlantic. Social Science Research. Social Psychology Quarterly. Minority group threat and fear of crime in Miami-Dade County". PMC PMID June Social Science Quarterly. Group Threat Theory Revisited". Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. Social Forces.

According to this per- spective, blacks are innately inferior and thus rightfully occupy the lowest rungs of a natural racial hierarchy. Essay on poverty Document. The group threat theory was not only found prevalent in the United States, Herbert Blumers Race Prejudice As A Sense Of Group Position also included in a much wider intercultural scale. I can Herbert Blumers Race Prejudice As A Sense Of Group Position the statement that the shortest route to Escondido Herbert Blumers Race Prejudice As A Sense Of Group Position to go Similarities Between Mary Shelley And Edgar Allan Poe the hill mountain behind us. As a professor from the University of WashingtonBlalock studied the relations between ethnic groups which seemingly had a majority-minority group Herbert Blumers Race Prejudice As A Sense Of Group Position and observed their interactions and relationships. ISSN

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